{"id":378,"date":"2014-06-25T10:56:52","date_gmt":"2014-06-25T09:56:52","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.temphist.dk\/?p=378"},"modified":"2014-06-25T10:58:38","modified_gmt":"2014-06-25T09:58:38","slug":"378","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.temphist.dk\/?p=378","title":{"rendered":""},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a>25. juni 2014<\/em><\/p>\n

Temp nr. 8 \u2013 Tema: Ny politisk historie er udkommet<\/h2>\n

L\u00e6s indholdsfortegnelsen her!<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Abstracts:<\/em><\/h3>\n

Marnix Beyen: Clientelism and Politicization
\nDirect Interactions between Deputies and \u2018Ordinary Citizens\u2019 in France, ca. 1890-ca. 1940<\/strong><\/p>\n

This contribution contains a plea to consider the direct interactions between MPs and \u2018ordinary citizens\u2019 as an integral part of the complex phenomenon of political representation in modern democratic societies. During these interactions, the MPs and their respondents do not only defend each their personal interests, but often also articulate ideas about collective interests or even about the common good. As such, they are constitutive for the dynamic field of politics. By taking them into account, the Weberian thesis about a linear evolution from the \u2018rule of notables\u2019 to modern mass democracy should be reconsidered.<\/p>\n

The article proposes a multifaceted way of studying these interactive contacts, illustrating its method by focusing on a small group of left-wing MPs in France between 1890 and 1940. At a first stage, the letters received by the MPs are used in order to draw a social profile of the \u2018ordinary citizens\u2019 approaching their political deputies, to map their motives for doing so, and to trace the political knowledge and concepts articulated by them. In a second move, the interventions of the MPs in parliaments are scanned in search of explicit or implicit references to their contacts with these ordinary citizens.<\/p>\n

One general outcome of this preliminary research seems to be that these contacts follow a strikingly different pattern in rural than in urban or metropolitan constituencies. In the latter, the \u2018ordinary citizens\u2019 approached the MPs generally in a more or less direct way, whereas on the countryside these contacts were most often mediated by local administrations. As a result, these urban interactions tended much more than their rural counterparts to spur political dynamics.<\/p>\n

Rachel Pierce: Paddle Ball as Politics
\n<\/strong>Gender and the Role of Sociability in the 1960s United States Congress<\/span><\/p>\n

Scholars have traditionally approached the legislative process as a systematic weighing and balancing constituency desires, party loyalties, ideological beliefs, and national goals. However, legislatures do not make their decisions in a vacuum, and the individuals who constitute a legislature remain subject to the ever-changing traditions and social norms that govern behavior in the Capitol. Congress was constantly made and remade through the repetition of gendered behaviors, traditions, and systematized rhetoric. The prevalence of male-only activities increased comity and greased the wheels of policymaking, influenced which congressmen attained institutional power, and eased the daily work life of those men who simply wanted to be popular amongst their peers. At the same time, this multitude of spatial restrictions, discursive slights, and everyday difficulties signaled to female legislators that they were not a natural element within congressional life. In the 1970s, the women\u2019s movement would provide tools that congresswomen could use to challenge these social norms and gendered hierarchies. But through the 1960s, this masculine sociability, grounded in tradition, allowed men in Congress to retain power over what they perceived as their U.S. Congress and their legislative process.<\/p>\n

Ning de Coninck-Smith: L\u00e6rere, politik og profession
\n<\/strong>Danmark i 1960\u2019erne og 1970\u2019erne<\/span><\/p>\n

The focus of this article is the political mobilization of Danish teachers during the 1960\u2019s culminating with a one-day strike in March 1973. As civil servants, the teachers were not allowed to strike, but a comment made by the Danish Minister of Finance Per H\u00e6kkerup on national television about teachers working too little and earning too much, sparked the political reaction. The strike hit schools across the whole country, and the article draws on memoirs and contemporary educational journals and reports in its discussion of why and how a self-conscious and critical approach towards the school system, teaching and teachers working conditions gradually seemed to become part of teachers understanding of their profession.<\/p>\n

Anne-Marie Mai: Det muliges kunst og det umuliges politik
\n<\/strong>Om Jacques Ranci\u00e8res diskussion af litteratur og politik som bidrag til politisk historie illustreret af et dansk eksempel<\/span><\/p>\n

The article discusses the French philosopher Jacques Ranci\u00e8re\u2019s approach to the study of the relationship between politics and literature. Ranci\u00e8re perceives politics and literature as part of a still ongoing process of creating a common space of society through new ways in which words and things connect with each other. Literature participates in the reframing of the way problems have been posed and redefines what can be seen and said. The article considers, based on texts by the Danish author Vita Andersen, possibilities and problems of using Ranci\u00e8re\u2019s ideas and thus involve literary texts in the study of political history.<\/p>\n

Dean J. Kotlowski: \u2018You\u2019re Writing about Whom?\u2019
\n<\/strong>Studying Political and Policy History through the Lives of Secondary Figures<\/span><\/p>\n

Biography, once a denigrated field among academic historians, is undergoing a revival, at least according to a recent issue of the American Historical Review. For a long time, it has been enticing to write life stories of \u201cthe greats\u201d \u2013 monarchs, presidents, and even dictators. More recently, with the emergence of social and cultural history, \u201cthe grunts\u201d \u2013 ordinary people who made possible mass-based movements for change \u2013 have begun to receive their due. But what about those in-between the greats and grunts, particularly leaders in the contemporary era who never made to the top of \u201cthe greasy pole,\u201d to invoke Disraeli\u2019s famous phrase.<\/p>\n

Drawing examples from my forthcoming biography of Paul V. McNutt, an American politician who helped shape events during the era of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman, this article explores the merits and demerits of writing about secondary figures, that is, supporting actors in larger political dramas. Studies of such men and women make inviting topics \u2013 and a natural fit at university presses, especially state and regional ones \u2013 partly because their lives and impact have been overlooked by earlier scholars. Usually, secondary figures have left behind a cache of papers from which the historian can begin to reconstruct their stories. Biography as methodology remains inherently integrative; it allows one to combine traditional political history with more recent trends in historiography, such as emphases on the importance of gender, \u201cplace,\u201d and the \u201cinternationalization\u201d of history. At the same time, however, the anonymity of many secondary figures can prove frustrating as biographers struggle to explain, justify, and secure funding for their research topics. Tracking down sources also can be difficult, involving considerable time and expense in traveling to local, state, national and overseas archives.<\/p>\n

Christian Kock: Retorisk analyse af historiske tekster<\/strong><\/p>\n

In recent years, rhetoric and the rhetorical tradition have attracted increasing interest from historians, such as Quentin Skinner. The paper aims to explain and illustrate what may be understood by a rhetorical analysis (or \u201crhetorical criticism\u201d) of historical documents, i.e., how those scholars who identify themselves as rhetoricians tend to define and conduct such an analysis. It is argued that while rhetoricians would sympathize with Skinner\u2019s adoption of speech act theory in his reading of historical documents, they would generally extend their rhetorical readings of such documents to many more features than just the key concepts invoked in them. The paper discusses examples of rhetorical analyses done by prominent contemporary rhetoricians, including Edwin Black, Kenneth Burke, Maurice Charland, and Michael Leff. It relates its view of rhetorical documents to trends in current political theory, and it presents its own brief readings of historically significant speeches by H.P. Hanssen and George W. Bush.<\/p>\n

Michael Kuur S\u00f8rensen: en innovative ideolog i politisk historie
\n<\/strong>Mogens Glistrup som case<\/span><\/p>\n

In this article it is shown, both qualitatively and quantitatively, how Quentin Skinners concept of the innovative ideologist can be of use for traditional political history. Skinner\u2019s concept of the innovative ideologist directs attention to three ways in which an actor can marshal legitimacy to policies that are not generally accepted in a contemporary setting. The first is to create a new set of political slogans, words or concepts that supports the political program of the actor. The second is to re-describe concepts in a way that is congenial to the actor\u2019s political program. The third way is to show that the policies the actor proposes will lead to outcomes that are generally seen as positive\/morally desirable in the context. By means of an example from Danish political history the article shows how the right wing populist, Mogens Glistrup, attempted to legitimate his policies in the 1970s with the use of these strategies. For traditional political history this actor has been given a marginal role in Danish politics. This article shows how an actor like Mogens Glistrup becomes an interesting figure for historical research when directing attention to the way in which he tried to legitimate his policies in an unfavorable political environment.<\/p>\n

Daniel B\u00e9land & Klaus Petersen: Velf\u00e6rdsstatens semantik
\n<\/strong>Komparative og transnationale perspektiver<\/span><\/p>\n

Social scientists, historians, and linguists have noted that the terms, metaphors, and concepts we use are far from innocent and are closely tied to political struggles and international exchanges. This is also the case when it comes to social policy. The words we use to make sense of social policy and the way we use them need to be properly studied to get the definitions right while grasping the political consequences of social policy language. But so far, little has been done in that respect.<\/p>\n

In this article, we argue that integrating the study of social policy language and concepts into mainstream comparative welfare state research is important and will open for new insights both in historical development of welfare states and what welfare states do. We point especially to two strands of literature as relevant point of departures for the study of social policy language. The first is the flourishing social science literature on the role of ideas in politics. The second is conceptual history. We illustrate the importance of studying social policy language by highlighting some of the results from a larger comparative project (Analysing Social Policy Language, Policy Press, 2014). That recent volume includes a number of comparative case studies of both nation states and transnational organizations and addresses questions such as: Which are the dominant social policy concepts and how are they contested? How did they become dominant and how does it relate to the institutional legacies of different types of welfare regime? Finally, we conclude the article by outlining a possible research agenda for the comparative study of social policy language.<\/p>\n

Jeppe Nevers: Begrebsanalyse i politisk historie?
\n<\/strong>Nogle metodiske overvejelser<\/span><\/p>\n

On the shoulders of the so-called linguistic turn in the human and social sciences, has the field of conceptual history in recent years developed into an integrated part of historical scholarship in many parts of continental Europe. The discipline of conceptual history was developed in the 1960s and the 1970s, first and foremost by Reinhart Koselleck who continuously contrasted conceptual history to the study of social history (Sozialgeschichte), and from the late 1980s many authors have contrasted conceptual history to the study of intellectual history. This article poses the question if there is a place for conceptual-historical analysis in political history and argues that the study of politics might learn from conceptual history in at least five dimensions: 1) in refinement of analytical categories; 2) in the study of ideology, 3) in the study of discourse, 4) in the study of rhetoric, and 5) in the opening of transnational and comparative perspectives on national politics.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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